Tuesday, November 27, 2007

Unemployment

UNEMPLOYMENT STRETCHES BELOW GLOOMY SKY OF KOSOVO PEOPLE

Before the crack of dawn, mr Ademi, 61, a father of five, rushes up towards the tiny roads of Prishtina suburb, one of the largest Kosovo shanty parts to make it to the corner next to the District Court in Pristina where hundreds of unemployed hope to find a day’s job.

Fazli RREZJA

In four years time he is supposed to be retired because he will be 65, an age when people get retired, but he was not qualified so he had worked just in private sector during his life.He still survives as an unemployed while at the same time supports his family only by working sometimes as laborer or loader.

As he reaches the corner where a dozen of others are lined up, smoking and chatting about their daily problems , he is quiet and keeps looking left and right on the cars passing by wondering whether any of them would stop by and ask for “a favor”. “I am too old for this job, but I must work in order to support my family” he says.


He is only one from the constantly growing contigent of among more than 300.000 (three hundred thousands) unemployed people who live in Kosovo, a country that is considered to be the poorest country in Europe, with the highest rate of employment.

Kosovo, the country which is home to 2 million people is aspiring soon to achieve independence however the contigent of the unemployed that has grown steadily over the two-three decades risks to strangle the aspiration even before it has been realized.

Once a centralized economy, dependent on the aid that was puring in from other regions of ex-Yugoslavia, Kosovo has been over the past 8 years, ever since the bitter conflict between Serbs and Albanians has left the country devastated, mainly dependent on the international aid and investments aimed at correcting the wrongs of the past regime.

Looking back, several decades ago, Kosovo's economic problem seems also intractable because of historical and geographic as well as demographic reasons. Kosovo, unlike the once Austrian-ruled Slovenia and Croatia in the north, was for centuries under the rule of an Ottoman empire that cared very little for industrial development. Kosovo was among the most undeveloped of all. Even the unification of Yugoslavia after World War I did little to modernize this part of a region.

In the post-World War II period, setbacks have included, except the birthrate, politically guided investment in prestige projects rather than in a sound economic base, a draining of Kosovo population away from farms to the cities, and overeducation of an unemployable Kosovo brains in the Pristine University that has a short experience tradition.

The root of Kosovo's discontent even at that time was economic, and its plight is but the severest of these less-developed regions. Thus, Kosovo had per capita gross national product of 31 per cent of the Yugoslav average,

In fact, Kosovo's particular problems have not gone unnoticed by the regional fund's administrators who have steadily increased the share going to the province, from 30 per cent of the total in 1966-70 to 42 per cent in 1981-5. But the effort clearly failed, for reasons, some of which are special to Kosovo such as politics and others typical of the whole underdeveloped region. While in nineties, during the regime the people of Kosovo were supported mostly from Diaspora because most of Albanians in all public sectors were thrown out of jobs because of political reasons.
Regarding to some old statistics, dated on 80 ies, the Albanian population in Kosovo was of over 1.2 million and was expanding at the fastest pace in Europe.

The diversion of capital investment funds was included into operating social services for an expanding population, investment into energy and extractive industries, products from which were kept artificially low in price by the federal government, and production of other goods poor in quality and design
The broadest cause of Kosovo's troubles, officials and residents said even twenty years ago, is its pervasive poverty. Living standards here were comparable to those in some poor African states and are less than one-third the level of those in Yugoslavia as a whole. About 124,000 workers or more than 35 percent of the work force were unemployed regarding to statistics of beginning of the eighties.

The provincial economy authorities for a long time were wrong in policy. They were afraid of investing in agriculture and the private sector. They tried to put peasants from the countryside straight into modern factories and it proved to be wrong step.

During that period the money was pouring from all over and Kosovars invested in bricks and cement and this situation is still the same at present as they continue only to invest in the same manner and are focused on small enteprises that largely employ tighly knit families

From 1998 until the summer of 1999, Kosovo was the scene of armed conflict and ethnic cleansing. Thousands of the region's Kosovar Albanian inhabitants were killed and nearly a million were driven from their homes. Serb forces and administration left behind an economy on ruins and more than 500 enterprises mostly in poor conditions.

The destruction caused by the war in Kosovo has ravaged also agricultural sector already crippled by a decade of repressive policies and neglect by the central government in Belgrade. State-run enterprises had fallen into decline, cooperatives had collapsed and irrigation schemes had become useless as a result of poor maintenance. Kosovo had become increasingly dependent on imported agricultural commodities.

After the war, the jobs offered to people were those in the foreign organizations, bars, restaurants, petrol stations and building houses. The infrastructure is better than it was - but far from being that of modern European standards.
The privatization process that began then in Kosovo in 2002 was additionally delayed with quarrels between Belgrade and KPA over the competences and the fund .

In spite of fragile economy, infrastructure damage, poor economic policies, broken external trade and a long-standing lack of investments that were inherited during a long process under Yugoslavia unity and recently after war, the privatization process that is undergoing now continues to make the situation of employment worse.

The view of more than twenty years ago has not changed since then, people’ walk the main street of Pristina - a stretch of grandiose modern buildings that separates near-slums on suburb side - offering to shine the shoes of passers-by who could hardly afford such luxury. Begging children accost diners in restaurants
Since then the view has changed only for small nuance, high building rapid reconstruction while the streets are full of beggars and people who search work.
Almost three decades after the situation does not seem better as corners such as the one next to District Court or the other corner next to the cross-section of Rilindja press house, just few hundred yards away are filled every morning more and more with unemployed people who shout to the passers by “Do you need any worker”
The number of inhabitants is unofficially considered to be about two million people but authorities have not yet clear statistics. More than sixty percent are unemployed, and half of this percentage is females, while the average age is 25 to 30, but about 60 percent from the overall rate of unemployment are without qualifications according to recent government statistics

The chain of unemployment process has been boosted by privatization recent process. Lot of jobs existed have been lost. Kosovo Trust Agency has observed about three hundred millions of euros from the social enterprises privatization, but even though there still is a high percentage of unemployment and poverty, this fond is not managed properly said experts from Economy chamber of Kosovo.
Since 2002, Kosovo Trust Agency has privatized more than two hundred social enterprises, from which are created more than four hundred new enterprises and a fond of about three hundred millions, but at the same time have increased the unemployment because the privatized enterprises have reduced work force hugely, to expand their individual benefits

In spite the increasing the number of unemployment through the process of privatization KTA has not yet given to employees 20 percent of their amount from their privatized enterprises.

According to estimation the fond from privatization is 278 million euros, and it is kept at Kosovo Central Bank. There are about 55.6 million euros that belong to the ex workers of privatized enterprises but until now about 45.6 million euros are distributed yet.

KTA authorities seem to not care about this emerging unemployment situation.
They don’t have any clear statistics about people who become unemployment because of privatized enterprises. Thy simply don’t consider the fact that regarding to officials, every year about thirty thousand people become unemployed in Kosovo.
Just in the capital city there are hundreds of people who search temporary jobs as a laborer and loader and thousand who search other jobs. The loaders have a certain places where they expose their unemployment that has become the bitter side of Kosovo.

In the capital city, there are three main places were laborers and loaders search for a temporary job while in the busy streets you can see a massive crowd of young people wandering around the city streets and pubs.

The life situation of Mr. Ademi has become even worst because, he does not receive anymore social assistance of forty euros per month. His family doesn’t belong among forty eight thousands Kosovo families who take social assistance of forty euros per month, the reason is that his youngest daughter is five years old now and he says that regarding to social law he doesn’t have right to receive anymore social aid.

At an age when he should be looking forward to retirement and spending time with his grandchildren instead he finds himself in a hard life pushed hardly in the streets, where he desperately searches for a job. “When I get a job I am paid approximately 10 euros for day. I don’t choose my job, I work as a loader and also in house building” said Ademi with his thick wrinkles in his forehead.

His house conditions are also in a bad situation. His family lives in a one floor old house with an old red bricks and tiles. He complains that he does not have financial means to renovate it.

“When it rains it leaks raindrops inside the room”, says Ademi. He complains that cannot earn enough money even for family needs.

Some of laborers are nervous and coarse, pointing out the government politics and saying they are responsible for these deep unemployment crises.
In their wrinkled faces and sleepy eyes you can see that they are just eager to get a job, to pass another day, and find some survival in their gloomy life sky. The age average of this people that wonder around the laborer places is from 18 to 60.
The number of people who search for job in all sections has increased, according to official reports. During three month period, only in capital city there were evidenced about twenty three thousand people who search for a job, half of this number are females, says the report done by office of employment in Pristine region
The age of people who embrace unwillingly the unemployment that it is considered to be about eighty percent, is a young generation of ages 8 to 39 years old said the director of office for employment for Pristine region, at labor and social welfare Ministry.

One the other hand, there are more pessimistic comments from Kosovo Economic chamber officials, who say that unemployment in Kosovo is considered to be on of the highest in Europe.

The worsening and increasing employment situation can be seen even from the different data of international surveys. There are about fifteen percent of Kosovo people live in extreme famine while about fifty percent of population lives with poor life conditions according to the latest statistics from World Bank.
Kosovo has the highest rate of unemployment in Balkans region. It is also four or five times higher than the average unemployment rate in European countries. At the end of 2006 the number of unemployed individuals in Kosovo totaled more than three hundred thousand and there are around 530 unemployed candidates for one job position.

Many of the laborers in the streets emphasized that are not receiving even the social aid and they support their families only by doing a very hard work as a laborers and loaders.

The efforts that are being made to change the situation through privatization process put obstacles such as the workers losing more jobs, fired and dismissed from a privatized company.

The frustration of unemployment and poverty can even lead some people to commit horrific acts with tragic consequences.

While outside the district court there is a crowd of jobless frustrated people who try to survive in the haze of their welfare searching for a job, inside the court there is another drama going on about the murder as a result losing a job. A person found out that he was not in the list of workers.

In the first floor in the court room of Pristine district court was held the third session for the murder case that took place three years ago. The head of six members poor family, who never before had committed a criminal act, went to his working place found out that his name is not any more in the list of employed people. The next day he took a gun and went again to his working place and then the drama happened. “I didn’t intent to kill him” his voice was trembling while confessing the story in a court session. A father of four children is being given the sack from the job, one day before the murder happened, his name didn’t appear in the worker’s list. The reason was that the factory don’t need for his work anymore.
Out of district court, I hear again the same phrases of eager people looking for job “Do you need any worker”,” have you got anything to load or unload”?

Lawyers say that unemployed people are exposed to the challenges of life difficulties and emphasize it as the main stimulating factor that drives people toward the violence and criminal acts.

Tom Gashi, an advocate, who often passes near by this laborer place believes that unemployment in Kosovo is a trauma that drives people criminal acts. An unemployed person easily can stimulate violence in comparison with a person who has a job and better life conditions, he says.

Kosovo sociologists and psychiatrists say that unemployment has influenced widely Kosovo people who are victim of hard individual and collective war traumas and the most endangered category of people from post trauma stress and depression is the category of unemployed. Whereas well known Kosovo psychiatrist, Mr.Ferid Agani, who is also the head of professional council of mental health in Kosovo says that the work is one of most effective mechanism to get over these crises and improve situation, but the phenomena of unemployment have left out Kosovo people for a faster rehabilitation”.

The employment is one of the most negative elements that stimulate the domestic violence, suicide and different criminal acts point out Kosovo police officials. Trying to justify the lack of statistics regarding to this issue, Police spokeswomen Sabrije Kamberi explained that taking into the consideration that more than 60 percent of Kosovo people are unemployed, it is obvious that of most of people who are involved in criminal acts belong to the category of unemployed people.
The police statistics have a general view, there are no specific statistics of unemployed people as a category that are involved in criminal acts and violence or impose danger in society. But, the lawyer Tom Gashi, says that obviously unemployment increases crime in our society.

The chances of inmates finding work when they leave prison are even more remote because there are no rehabilitation programmes . Many will slide back into a life of crime. “If we consider the number of prisoners, most of them before the punishments were unemployed. And even when they finish prison service they still remain unemployed because in our country does not exist institution that helps prisoners socialize and rehabilitate” says Mr Gashi

Unfortunately, Prishtina is not alone. Many Kosovo cities and villages are experiencing the same dilemma, How to survive in this unemployment ocean! About 80 kilometers far from the capital city, in the south of Kosovo, in the yard of sport centre of Prizren City there was a young man wondering around and playing with his kids. Islam Morina, 34 years old, unemployed, father of four children, lives in a small flat with his family. During the day he takes his kids for a walk near by a sport centre yard that is considered as a park by citizens of this city.
A single room where he lives with his children and wife, Mrs Morina, is in the third floor of an old flat. One small room, a bathroom, an old sofa and one mattress are his temporary heritage while an old fashion TV and an empty fridge are his families “luxury”.

“During the war my house in the village was burnt and cattle killed by Serbian army and police. And soon as the war was over I came to the city to find a better prospective. I found an abandoned small flat in Prizren and I have been living here for seven years”, says Islam while remembering the past bitter years.
He lived in village Drenovc, where he has finished his secondary school and after that he enrolled in economy faculty but he had to leave studies because of very bad financial conditions, his parents passed away and no one to take care of his family. “When I came here I found some temporary work as a labor but I am sick from a spinal cord and doctor sad to me that I must not work” he says while he faces the challenges to feed and educate his children, two of them go to school and while two are still young.

Mr.Morina takes a monthly social aid of 50 euros from social centre but he says I have problems to meet the both ends “This amount it is not enough even for basic things, so, my wife helps us by working sometimes as a cleaner”.
Couple times his wife finds a job as a cleaner in a restaurant. She says because of unemployment and poverty her husband suffered a nervous breakdown, his behavior changed, but now she works sometimes as a cleaner in a restaurant and earn a little amount of money just to get through for some days

Mr. Islam can not go to live in his house in the village because he does not have money to build it. He can not work as a laborer because of sickness. Stuck in a somebody else’s flat with his family he is disappointed with the government policies on employment issue ”Government does not have any project to help people find jobs and social centre aid of forty euro is very low “says Islam

Disappointed about a bitter life and unemployment, Islam is a pessimistic about his future, because he cannot build his house, can’t work as laborer anymore, and to find a job has become one of the hardest things to achieve.
The consequences of unemployment are hard and complex, points out Psychiatrist, Agani. He talks about the consequences wherein in a psychical sphere the results on unemployed people are direct encroachment of self-confidence, emotion and the will, while on social side the consequences manifest inability of an access in social development, isolation, and the complex of inferiority.

Most of experts agree that unemployed people are more likely to commit crimes than those in work. The most cases of Domestic violence, suicides and criminal acts are committed by people who live in very bad conditions, no financial incomes or unemployed and also people with post war traumas. “Kosovo society can be endangered in future from phenomena of unemployed only if this high rate of unemployed people will organize a riot protests in the streets of Kosovo cities”, said police representative Mrs Kamberaj.

Lawyer Gashi, also emphasizes that even though of unemployment there are a lot of people who earn low incomes such as category of people who receive social aids. So, the difference with unemployed people is that this category of people who earn low incomes have place where to spend their time and the other category does not have this possibility.

On the other hand Psychiatrist say that it is the last moment to do something in order to stop this unemployment spiral that leads toward political instability and social riots.
”The only way to get out of this situation is a huge economy development. If it doesn’t happen in a near future, beginning from 2008, I foresee deep psycho-social crises, massive youth emigration out of country and total society stagnation” said Mr Agani.

It is late afternoon, Mr morina takes his kids inside the flat and begins to watch news while pouring a tea into his mug and mine, hardly believes that this hard situation will improve soon, but he hopes for better.

The day is over, night is falling, darkness slowly begins to embrace the gloomy sky of capital city, Prishtina, the laborer and loader places are empty at this time, most of laborers are back at their “empty hearth” only some who found any work might have been “celebrating” now, while a laborer Ademi, is also returning back at home, his bare hands and wrinkled face is all that his five kids could expect today ” It was not his lucky day, he could not find any work today”. He took off his old jacket, rolled up his sleeves washed his hands and asked his wife “what’s there for dinner”?

Sunday, November 11, 2007

Disappearance of the Middle Class

authors; Leonard Ibrahimi, Alfred Marleku and Astrit Gashi



More than half of the population in Kosovo lives in ‘general poverty’. Unemployment is sky rising. And than a new drama arise: The disappearing of the middle class. What happens if a society looses its thinking and creative part of citizens? It means that the ‘cement of society’ comes off.

Murat Spahija is facing the consequences of this new drama. He is one of the oldest professors in Peja region. In the crowded streets of Peja, where he has educated many generations of students, the aged man is still greeted with sympathy as “the professor”. In former Yugoslavia, professors were considered as middle class. Now, their status ( is) has changed.


Murat Spahija recalls with nostalgia the times when he had economic welfare. “Until the nineties I had opportunity to buy everything I needed. All things that you see here were bought at that time. Both I and my wife were working. Our salaries were high. We had two children, so we organized our life in perfect way”, said Spahija. “Since then, our life’s quality went downhill. We can’t afford to bUy any thing. We are just trying to survive”.

The term “middle class” has a long history. There are many factors (that can) TO define the middle class of a society. In some countries, money determines an individual’s position in the society. In other countries, determinative role have education, profession, home ownership, or even culture. In general, middle class refers to people neither at the top nor at the bottom of society. According to International Socialist Review, middle class comprises of people, who have a small amount of capital, but huge political influence. It’s group of people who serve as opponents of rulers.

When we met Spahija, he was reading daily Koha Ditore. After he served us with coffee, we entered inside of his house. The living room had a marvelous sight. Furniture was old, but good. Wood engraving rocking chair was placed in a corner, near to chimney. Two sofas, with wood decoration at the top, were nicely arranged. In general, you get an impression that you are visiting a kind of museum of eighties.

Xhavit Shala, a sociologist, has done some researches concerning the middle class. According to him, at the present, there is no middle class in Kosovo.

“According to the definition, the middle class is the one which stands between the highest and the lowest strata of society. Above it is the class of great capitalists. Below it the proletariat, the class of wage-workers”, said Shala. “In Kosovo there is no class who stands between capitalists and proletariat. Here, we have a few capitalists and others belong to the class of wage-workers”.

Shala is pessimistic about the future of middle class in Kosovo: “The middle class will continue to disappear. Economic growth, associated with industrialization of country can stop vanish of middle class. In near future we will not see this. As a result, the process of disappearing is endless”.

Labinot Lekaj, an expert of economy is even more pessimistic than Shala. “The disappearing of the middle class signifies the concentration of capital and the growth of the proletariat. This is happening here. In Kosovo is growing even poor class. According to some statistics, the extreme poverty in Kosovo has increased from thirteen to fifteen percent. General poverty has reached the critical fifty percent”, said Lekaj. “In these circumstances, you can’t even think about the existence of middle class.

According to Obrad Savic, a well-known philosopher from Belgrade, countries that emerged from ex-Yugoslavia, are facing a strange process: “After brutal destruction of Yugoslavia, we are witnessing the disappearing of middle class. This is very bad for a society. The function of middle class is to serve as factor of stability. There is no more class that neutralizes clashes of classes. Accordingly, we are and we will face struggle of classes in our societies”.

Spahija agrees with Obrad concerning the functions of middle class: “Of course, the role of this class is to stabilize society. Middle class is holder of political processes. State can’t exist without middle class. Only the members of middle class pay taxes. Rich people avoid tax-paying. Poor don’t have money to pay taxes”.

Disappearance of middle class is caused by a lot of reasons. The first reason, according to Savic, is globalization. “In Tito’s Yugoslavia, the state was considered as a service of citizens. On the contrary, globalization considers the state as a service of multinational corporations. Globalization considers middle class as an obstacle, which should be removed. When the middle class is gone there will be only rulers and the ruled ones. Rulers will not have an opponent, since there is no more middle class”, said Savic. “Globalization is destroying the middle class in Balkans through a lot of means. The process of privatization is one of them”.

Existence of middle class is related with politics. According to Bajram Berisha, an ex-leader of socialist party, in Peja, socialism supports the middle class. “After the second world war, we established the middle class in our country from nothing. It was very hard, but we did it”, said Berisha. “Now this class is disappearing. Actually, there is no state any more. What kind of state is this? State has duties and responsibilities toward citizens.

According to Berisha, state can encourage as well as discourage the existence of the middle class. “At the past, there was equality between citizens. Middle class dominated society. Only few, if any, were poor”, said Berisha. “Now, there is a group of people that has everything, and all the rest have nothing. Today we have families who don’t have what to eat for dinner! The government like always deals with ‘big issues’. One thing is for sure, these citizens are demanding the socialism’s system of values. They are asking from government to become a social state, like Sweden, or Norway. To take care about its citizens. Not to let them on mercy of great capitalists”.

There are a lot of definitions of middle class, claim economists, philosophers and sociologists. One of them relates middle class with actual economic status. Middle class represents the social group with medium incomes.

Relating to incomes, some data from the Statistical Office of Kosovo, show even more hopeless results concerning the middle class. According to these data, a family of six members which gets less than two hundred euros monthly, lives in extreme poverty. If family of six members gets less than three hundred euros monthly, they live in general poverty. Existence of middle class is disputable, if we add the fact that medium salary in Kosovo is two hundred euros.

Poverty is related with unemployment. “In particular, joblessness is an important cause of income poverty, as labor is usually the only valuable asset of the poor”, states a report of the World Bank.

According to Viktor Buzhala, editor of economy in daily Express, the rate of unemployment and the middle class in Kosovo exclude each other. “Some data say that in Kosovo the rate of unemployment is from forty to sixty. Can you find a definition for this army of unemployed people? Do they live in extreme poverty? Absolutely not. They are lower than that. In fact, the way they live can not be called life. ”, says Buzhala. “In these circumstances you can’t even think about middle class. If there is middle class in this country, then it’s disappearing rapidly”.

Economists, sociologists and political scientists are worried about the disappearing of middle class in Kosovo. Ordinary citizens are concerned too. Lose of their middle class status strikes citizens more than anything. According to Viktoria Cana, a psychologist from Prishtina, losing middle class status causes constant frustration. Sometimes even depression.

Murat Spahija confirms the claims of Cana. “Believe me, there is no worst thing than fighting with poverty, especially during aged years. I am always anxious and worried. I feel comfortable only when I bring back to mind good days of the past”, says Spahija, while cursing the current state. “This kind of ‘state’ doesn’t offer you any thing. In the near past we had a social system. This system took care about people. It gave you a possibility to live as a normal human being. Now we have nothing, except good memories of the past”.

Friday, October 19, 2007

Scars of History laid bare...

Sarah Walters
18/10/2007

A PERSONAL account of the experiences of war and conflict in Kosovo comes to the region this weekend.


Nine Kosovan artists bring their work to Stockport Art Gallery on Saturday, and the collection paints a stirring visual documentary of life inside Kosovo during the troubles. Often provocative, Fragile State: Art from Kosova articulates the artists' experiences of war, displacement, sexuality, death, peace, identity and belonging in strikingly different ways.


Ismet Jonuzi's work re-uses parts from old weapons to make gruesome sculptures that act as a reminder of the destruction caused by conflict, and a warning.

"The permanence of this new- found use of weapons struck me immediately," said Bronwen Simpson, from Stockport Art Gallery. "It is imposible for these guns to ever be used to kill, maim or destroy again."

Agim Salihu's etched faces show the scars of history, Fahredin Spahija's haunting portraits show the grief and outrage of today's Kosovans, while Rudina Xhaferi uses her own face and body as a canvas to explore personal and global perceptions.

"My artwork mainly deals with the themes that challenge the ethnic Albanians today," said Rudina, "confrontations, causes and effects, consequences, weaknesses and strengths."

Milosevic

The path to autonomy is proving to be a difficult one to tread for Kosovo - a country that has struggled to regain self control since its status was altered by former Serbian President, Slobodan Milosevic, back in 1989.

Conflicts in Kosovo between the country and its Serbian neighbours continue; thousands have died - many ethically-cleansed or lost fighting in the liberation army - while many hundreds of thousands more have been forced to run from their homes across nearby borders.

The exhibition is in support of Manchester Aid To Kosovo, a charity that began life in Urmston in 1999 and has gone on to take 1,000 tonnes of crisis aid to the Balkans and evacute and rehome refugees.

Its volunteer staff continue to work in the region to raise awareness and improve conditions for those affected by the troubles.

And the charity's efforts have gone full circle; one of the children evacuated from Kosovo is now studying art at Mancester and is sitting on the Fragile State curatorial team.

Fragile State: Art From Kosova is on at Stockport Art Gallery from Saturday, October 20 until Saturday, January 5.

Manchester Evening News

Monday, October 1, 2007

Veronica Guerin- The synonym of truth

<"SHE JUST HAD A VERY SIMPLE PHILOSOPHY THAT SHE WANTED TO GET THE TRUTH"

Irish investigative reporter Veronica Guerin (1959-1996) believed in revealing the truth about drugs and crime in Ireland, continuing to write her revealing articles even in the face of numerous threats. She was assassinated while sitting in her car on a Dublin street in 1996.


On June 26, 1996, a tough investigative reporter named Veronica Guerin became the twenty-fourth journalist that year to die in the line of duty, according to figures compiled by the Committee to Protect Journalists. She was a relative newcomer to the field, having only practiced her craft for some six years. Yet she was already one of its brightest stars, celebrated worldwide for her willingness to track down and publish the kind of information that certain people preferred to keep quiet. And when she died at the hands of a professional killer, presumably to ensure her silence, Guerin was elevated to the status of a national heroine.

Guerin, who acquired the nickname "Ronnie" during her childhood, was one of five children born to a Dublin-based accountant and his wife. She received her education in the Catholic schools of Dublin's north side, where she became an accomplished athlete in camogie (a game similar to lacrosse), soccer, and basketball. Soccer, in fact, remained a lifelong passion of Guerin's; she was a fanatic supporter of England's Manchester United professional soccer team.

Switched Careers from Accounting to Journalism

After studying accounting at Trinity College, Guerin joined her father's firm but left upon his death in 1983 to form her own public-relations company. Seven years later, she took up journalism, first as a business writer for Dublin's Sunday Business Post and then as a news reporter for the city's Sunday Tribune. In 1994, Guerin became an investigative reporter for the Sunday Independent, the largest-circulation weekend newspaper in Ireland.

As a member of the Sunday Independent staff, Guerin specialized in crime stories. She soon made a name for herself in international journalism circles for hard-hitting pieces that sought to expose the truth about Dublin's burgeoning drug trade and the part that increasingly violent and ruthless organized gangs played in it. Guerin was outraged by the mob activity she documented and frustrated by the inability of the police to bring the crime bosses to justice, so she launched a virtual one-woman crusade to bring down the gangs. "She had no basic training [as a reporter]," an editor at the Sunday Business Post later recalled. "She just had a very simple philosophy that she wanted to get the truth."

Guerin's investigative style was a combination of tenacity and boldness. She typically worked out of her car rather than an office, staying on a story for weeks and weeks - long after many other reporters would have given up. Sometimes she even camped out on a person's doorstep for days until he would agree to talk to her. And she didn't rely strictly on police sources for her information. Instead, she went directly to the criminals themselves, persuading many of them to talk to her and detail their activities. Mindful of strict Irish libel laws that make it illegal for reporters to identify suspected wrongdoers by name, she was careful to identify the subjects of her articles only by their street names or by colorful pseudonyms such as "The Monk," "The Coach," and "The Penguin."

Investigative Reporting Proved Dangerous

In October 1994, Guerin experienced the first serious repercussions from one of her stories when two bullets were fired through the window of her home as she played with her young son. The incident occurred only a month after she had written an article on the life of a high-living Dublin drug kingpin known as "The General" who had been found shot to death in his car.
Just a couple of months later, in January 1995, Guerin opened the door to her home and came face-to-face with a man who pointed a handgun at her head, then lowered it and shot her in the thigh instead. The man fled and was never identified. She later speculated that the shooting was in retaliation for an article she had written about the theft of $4.4 million from a supposedly secure depot near the Dublin airport - the largest cash robbery in Irish history. Guerin interviewed a known con man who was reportedly the chief suspect in the heist and described him as the local head of a crime syndicate.

After leaving the hospital, Guerin still on crutches had her husband, Graham Turley, take her to see every crime boss she knew "just to let them know I wasn't intimidated," she later revealed in an interview. Her employer had a security system installed in her house and arranged for her to have a round-the-clock police escort once she returned to work, but she canceled it after only a few days because she felt it hindered her efforts to gather information for her articles.
In September 1995, Guerin paid a visit to a horse farm owned by a prominent ex-convict named John Gilligan, a known leader in the Dublin underworld. She questioned him about how he was able to afford such a luxurious lifestyle with no apparent income. He responded by ripping open her shirt to look for hidden microphones and then beating her. During a subsequent telephone conversation, he threatened to rape her son and kill her if she published anything about him in the newspaper.

Guerin's friends later recalled that although she had always been fearless in her dealings with organized crime figures, she was especially frightened by Gilligan's outburst because he had mentioned the possibility of harming her son. Nevertheless, she pressed on with her work, confident that her familiarity with the mobsters she covered lent her an air of invulnerability; after all, she surmised, they would probably find it very difficult to kill someone they knew. In December 1995, Guerin's bravery and persistence in the face of such attempts to intimidate her into remaining silent earned her the prestigious International Press Freedom Award from the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Guerin's Death Affects Nation

On the afternoon of June 26, 1996, Guerin was alone in her car when she stopped at a traffic light in suburban Dublin and made a quick call to a friend on her cellular phone. Two men on a motorcycle pulled up alongside her car. One of them opened fire, shooting Guerin five times in the neck and chest, killing her almost instantly. The men then sped off into traffic and escaped before anyone nearby had even had a chance to react.

The Irish responded to Guerin's assassination with shock, sorrow, and outrage. On the day of her funeral, the small chapel near the Dublin airport where she and her family regularly worshipped was packed with mourners, including Ireland's president, prime minister, and head of the armed forces; others watched the service on television. On July 4, the day labor unions across Ireland had called for a moment of silence in her memory, people on trains and buses, in stores and on the street, sat or stood quietly and bowed their heads in tribute. Admirers lined up in front of the offices of the Sunday Independent to leave flowers and sign a condolence book.

From the very beginning, there was little doubt that Guerin had been the victim of a professional hit, most likely ordered by one of the criminals she had already written about or planned to write about. Police immediately launched a full-scale investigation of the crime but admitted that they expected it would be quite some time before anyone was apprehended if ever. In October 1996, however, Irish police charged a man named Paul Ward with conspiracy to murder in the death of Veronica Guerin. His was the first in what law enforcement officials hoped would be a series of arrests in the case.

Most of the suspicions have centered around Gilligan, who left Ireland for Amsterdam the day before the murder. Several months later, in September 1996, he was scheduled to board another flight from London to Amsterdam when a search of his luggage turned up $500, 000 in cash. He claimed he had won the money gambling, but authorities didn't buy his explanation. He was arrested on charges of trying to launder profits from selling illegal drugs.

Since Guerin's assassination, a number of events have suggested that she did not die in vain. First of all, amid criticism that they did not do enough to protect her, officials of the Sunday Independent announced that they were considering offering journalists working on dangerous stories more and better protection. Secondly, the Irish Parliament convened a special session to discuss anti-crime legislation aimed at cracking down on organized crime and making it easier for police to pursue cases against mob bosses. The tough new measures caused some members of Dublin's underworld to flee the country to avoid arrest.

Perhaps most important of all, Guerin's death prompted a period of soul-searching in Ireland, the likes of which had not been seen for quite some time. Citizen groups sprang up in some of Dublin's poorest neighborhoods, where the drug trade thrived, and people demanded change.
On May 2, 1997, at a ceremony in Arlington, Virginia, the name of Veronica Guerin and those of 38 other international journalists who died in the line of duty in 1996 were added to the Freedom Forum Journalists Memorial. (Ironically enough, Guerin had been scheduled to speak at a Freedom Forum conference on the subject of journalists in peril just two days after she was killed.) Her husband addressed the audience, noting the pride both he and his son felt at seeing Guerin honored in such a way. "Veronica stood for freedom to write," Turley observed. "She stood as light, and wrote of life in Ireland today, and told the truth. Veronica was not a judge, nor was she a juror, but she paid the ultimate price with the sacrifice of her life."

(http://www.answers.com/topic/veronica-guerin?cat=entertainment)

Prizreni & Skenderbeu

Prizreni, qendër e rëndësishme në kohën e Skënderbeut

shkruan: Agon Rrezja

Duke filluar nga fundi i shekullit XIV, me daljen në skenë të familjeve feudale arbërore, qyteti i Prizrenit u shndërrua në qendër administrative, politike, tregtare dhe fetare. Në kohën e dinastisë Nemanjidase, nga burimet dhe dokumentet e kohës Prizreni del si qytet me tipare pothuajse perëndimore, në arealin e këtyre trevave. Ai përbëhej prej qytetit kala-castellum dhe nga Civitas-Varoshi, i cili gjendej përbri kështjellës.


Gjatë gjysmës së parë të shek. XIV në Prizren lëshoheshin kartat apo diplomat nga sundimtarët Nemanjidas, të cilat i’u jepeshin raguzanëve për qështje tregtare, dhënje të benifecioneve, por nuk përjashtoheshin as marrëveshjet me personalitetet vendase. Pas rënies së dinastisë Nemanjidase, Prizreni ra në duart e Balshajve, të cilët e pushtuan qytetin në vitin 1371 dhe Pejën (1372), duke depërtuar deri në Kriva Rekë, ku raguzanët paguanin doganën e tyre. Gjithashtu, si sundimtarët Nemanjidas, edhe Balshajt i akomodonin raguzanët në këtë qytet. Në kohën kur Prizreni ishte i rrethuar nga Nikolla Alltomanoviçi, raguzanët ishin strehuar në manastirin e Kryeengjujve. Gjergj Balsha e çliroi qytetin dhe si shpërblim merr nga raguzanët katër pancirë, kurse Gjergji i’u jep atyre doganën e Prizrenit. Sipas Millan Shufllajt, Balshajt kishin në Prizren ipeshkvin katolik (frater Johannis episcopus Prizrenensis), i cili kishte lënë në Ston katër libra si testament, më 16 qershor 1375. Si dëshmi mbi administrimin e qytetit të Prizrenit nga Balshajt është varri i Strazimir Balshës, i gjetur afër varrit të Dushanit në manastirin e Kryeengjujve, nga arkeologu serb Radosllav Gruiç në vitin 1927. Pas humbjes së betejës së Savrës më 1385 dhe pas sulmeve të pandërprera osmane, Balshajt e humbin kontrollin në këtë anë, duke ia lëshuar vendin dy principatave mjaft të fuqishme, që lidhen ngushtësisht me Prizrenin.

Kastriotët dhe Dukagjinët në Prizren
Ngjarjet që ndodhën pas invadimit osman, në trojet shqiptare në fillimet e viteve 80-ta të shek. XIV bënë që një pjesë e bujarisë arbërore të përkulen para osmanëve. Në skenën politike tani dolën në krye Dukagjinët, të cilët kishin hyrë në vasalitet të osmanëve. Vasaliteti i tyre daton qysh nga viti 1387, atëhere kur qeveria raguzane merret vesh me dukagjinasit që të tregtojnë lirisht nëpër tokat e tyre, të cilat shtriheshin që nga Lezha dhe Zadrima e deri në Prizren. Por, sa ishin Balshajt ende në pushtet në veri të Shqipërisë me qendër në Shkodër, ata nuk mundën të konsolidoheshin për aq sa kishin mundësi gjeostrategjike. Këtë rast do ta shfrytëzojnë pas pushtimit osman të principatës së Gjon Kastriotit, nga Sulltan Murati II në vitin 1430. Në fundin e shek. XIV dhe fillimin e shek. XV, Kastriotët u fuqizuan në pjesën verilindore të Shqipërisë, duke zotëruar rrugën më të rëndësishme Via de Zenta, e cila lidhte Prizrenin me viset bregdetare të Shkodrës e të Lezhës. Gjatë dy dhjetëvjeçarëve të fundit të shek. XIV, zotërimet e Kastriotasve zgjerohen sidomos në rajonin e Prizrenit, të Gostivarit e të Tetovës. Sipas burimeve osmane gjyshi i Skënderbeut, Gjergj Kastrioti kishte marrë pjesë në betejën e Kosovës më 1389.
Në një dokument të vitit 1420, Gjon Kastrioti, si vasal i osmanëve, i’u lejon tregtarëve raguzanë që të tregtojnë në tokat e tij. Mallrat raguzane hynin në grykën e Shufadas, pastaj kalonin nëpër Vaun e Dejës dhe mbërrinin në Prizren, për të marr rrugën për në Novobërdë e gjetiu. Pas pushtimit të Selanikut, i cili ishte koloni e rëndësishme e venedikasve në detin Egje, osmanët nën udhëheqjen e Sulltan Muratit II, dhe të komandantit Ishak beut, pushtuan tokat e Gjonit, duke ia shkretuar një sërë kështjellash. Dobësimi i tyre solli në krye familjen e njohur të Dukagjinëve. Sipas Skënder Rizës, osmanët i’u dhanë privilegje dukagjinasve në vitin 1438, qe t’i lejonin raguzanët të qarkullonin nëpër tokat e tyre dhe të paguanin doganën në afërsi të Prishtinës, njësoj si në kohën e Gjonit. Sipas studiuesit, Tonin Çobanit, Lekë Dukagjini, i biri i Palit, ka lindur në Ulpianë në vitin 1410, gjë që dëshmon se ata u forcuan dhe u konsoliduan në këtë trevë, kurse Prizreni ishte kryeqendra e principatës së tyre. Lidhur me këtë humanisti shkodran Marin Barleti, në “ Historinë e jetës dhe vepravet të Skënderbeut “, thotë se Pali dhe djali i tij Nikollë Dukagjini ishin zotërues të Zadrimës së Sipërme si dhe të Misisë së Sipërme ( Kosovës ).

Skënderbeu meremetoi kalanë e Prizrenit
Në vitet e 40-ta të shek. XV, Sulltan Murati II synoi pushtimin e Hungarisë. Hungarezët, të udhëhequr nga Janosh Huniadi, u lëshuan përgjatë Danubit në territoritn e Rashës, ku i’u bashkëngjit edhe Gjergj Brankoviçi. Të dy ushtritë u takuan në afërsi të Nishit, më 3 nëntor 1443. Sipas Jozef von Hamerit në “ Historin e Perandorisë Osmane “, ushtria osmane përbëhej prej tri kolonave, njëra prej të cilave komandohej prej “ një beu të panjohur “, që ndoshta duhet të ketë qenë Skënderbeu. Pasi ushtria osmane pësoi disfatë të rëndë, Skënderbeu shfrytëzoi rastin që të kthehej në vendlindjen e tij, duke kaluar pikërisht nëpër Kosovë.
Sipas Kasem Biçokut, Gjergj Kastrioti u takua në Prizren me Stanishën, për ta konsoliduar pushtetin administrativo-politik. Në “Tregimet popullore për Skënderbeun“ të mbledhura nga folkloristi i njohur Qamil Haxhihasani në viset e Kosovës, përkatësisht në luginën e Drinit të Bardhë në Has, thuhet se “ Skënderbeu kishte shëtitur dhe mbledhur gurë në lumin e Drinit të Bardhë dhe kishte meremetuar kalanë e Prizrenit “.
Kjo kryengritje njëherit konsiston edhe me çlirimin e viseve të tjera shqiptare të Kosovës, duke depërtuar në lindje deri në kështjellën e Zveçanit dhe Novobërdës. Zotërues të këtyre dy kështjellave shohim Pjetër Spanin me birin e tij Aleks Spanin, si sundimtarë të kësaj ane. Kurse qytetin e Prizrenit dhe të Pejës i kishin në duar Dukagjinasit. Për këtë arsye Skënderbeu do të shprehet në Kuvendin e Lezhës se donte të rikrijonte shtetin e Balshajve.
Pas Prizrenit ai u drejtua nga Tetova e Dibra, ku bëri edhe planin për marrjen e kështjellës së Krujës. Më 2 mars 1444 u organizua Kuvendi i Lezhës, në të cilën Skënderbeu u zgjodh komandant suprem i ushtrisë arbërore. Dukagjinët qysh gjatë ekspeditave të para ishin bashkuar në mbrojtjen e kufijve arbëror.
Megjithëse, Marin Barleti, e ngatërron Betejën e II të Kosovës 1448, me Betejën e Varnës 1444, ai thekson gatishmërinë dhe mbështetjen e Palit për Skënderbeun në mbledhjen e Kuvendit në Lezhë për çështjen e Huniadit. Përkundër princave që e kundërshtonin Skënderbeun, Pal Dukagjini do të përkrah Gjergjin, me ç’rast shprehet se “do ti jep 5000 ushtarë e në krye me ta edhe vehten e vet”. Gjeostrategjikisht dihet se kufijtë e tyre kufizoheshin me ato të Gjergj Brankoviçit, diku në Drenicë dhe ishte në interes që ti largonin osmanët nga domeni i tyre. Sipas Jahja Drançollit, burimet raguzane raportojnë se Gjergj Brankoviçi i pengoi forcat arbërore ti bashkangjiteshin forcave të Hunadit, pasi që ai kishte lidhur marrëveshje me turqit. Huniadi e humbi betejën, ndërsa mbeturinat e ushtërisë Skënderbeu i takoi në Drenicë. Këtë e dëshmon edhe Barleti, ku thot se ai takoi hungarezët dhe polonezët, të cilët i ndihmoi për tu kthyer me anije në Raguzë e prej aty në Hungari.

A u pushtua Prizreni më 1455 ?
Pas betejës së II të Kosovës, Dukagjinët u shkëputën nga Lidhja e Lezhës, duke anuar nga venedikasit, për t’u lidhur përfundimisht me osmanët. Venedikasit bënin ç’mos që ti shkëputnin Pal dhe Lekë Dukagjinin nga Skënderbeu, pasi që e dinin se pa këta princa ai do të ishte i pafuqishëm duke e pasur parasysh formacionin e tyre ushtarak prej 5000 vetash. Kështu, sipas Kristo Frashërit, Skënderbeu u mundua me të gjitha mjetet t’i shkëpuste ata nga osmanët, duke ndërmjetësuar deri tek papa Nikolla V. Sipas Millan Shufllajt, për këtë qëllim papa kishte autorizuar Pal Dushmanin (Engjëllin), peshkopin e Drshtit, i cili ishte në farefisni me Dukagjinët. Ndërmjetësimi i tij pati sukses, sepse Dukagjinasit u shkëputën nga miqësia me osmanët dhe lidhën paqe me Skënderbeun. Kjo ishte arsyeja që Sulltan Mehmeti i II, pas pushtimit të Konstantinopojës 1453, u vërsul për ti pushtuar viset e Kosovës. Ai urdhëroi Isa beun që ta rrethoj kështjellën e Novobërdës të cilën e pushtoi më 1qershor 1455. Së bashku me të, pushtohen edhe dy kështjella në afërsi : Prilepci dhe Prizrenci. Në veri u pushtua kështjella e Zveçanit dhe Trepça, me përjashtim të Prizrenit dhe të Pejës.
Në historiografinë e huaj dhe atë shqiptare ka mendime të ndryshme për pushtimin e qytetit të Prizrenit nga osmanët. Në publikimin e defterit të Ejaletit të Rumelisë të viteve 1452-55 nga orientalisti Dr. Iljas Rexha, ku përfshihej vilajeti i Bistricës, figurojnë një sërë fshatrash që ishin pushtuar përkohësisht nga osmanët e që gjendeshin në nahinë e Gurit-Gorës, Rudinës dhe Domeshtiçit, por jo edhe qyteti i Prizrenit. Jireçeku mendon se Prizreni është pushtuar më 21 qeshor 1455. Këtë mendim e ka përkrahur edhe Franc Babingeri në biografin e Mehmetit II, por asnjëri e as tjetri nuk japin burimin.
Sipas Kasem Biçokut, sultan Mehmeti i II ishte angazhuar vet në këtë rrethim, ku vendos kampin në fshatin Reçan të Prizrenit, në mesin e muajit qershor 1455. Por, Prizreni nuk kishte rënë në duar të osmanëve, pasiqë, sipas Barletit, atë e mbrojti Nikoll Dukagjini me ushtrinë e tij dhe me “ banorët fort trima të Mysisë së sipërme “.
Prizreni ndoshta u pushtua përkohësisht në vitin 1459 dhe Peja 1463.
Skënder Rizaj kundërshton Jireçekun dhe Franc Babingerin, duke u bazuar në historianin turk Ismail Uzunçarshli, i cili thotë se në vitin 1459 veziri Mahmut pasha, pas pushtimit të Smederevës e nënshtroi edhe Prizrenin kryengritës. Kurse, osmanologu i njohur Jozef von Hameri thot se Mehmeti, pasi e pushtoi Prizrenin më 1459, iu vërsul Smederevës. Kjo mund të forcohet edhe nga e dhëna e kronistit osman Oruçit, i cili thotë se “ në vitin 863 hixhri (1459), sulltani sulmoi Semendrën ( Smederevën ) të cilën e pushtoi dhe aty caktoi Mehmet beun si administrues, ndërsa Evrenos beun e urdhëron që të sulmoj “ Vilajetin e Shqiptarëve “. Mirëpo, sipas prof. Biçokut, ky pushtim ishte i përkohshëm, sepse nuk ishte konsoliduar pushteti osman në këtë qytet.

Prania e Skënderbeut në Kosovë
Prezenca e Skënderbeut në këtë trevë dhe idea e tij e shtetit centralist që synonte ta krijonte, gjeti vend gjatë viteve 60-ta të shek. XV. Në dokumente të viteve 1460-63 ai cilësohej si “ Zot i Arbërisë ”.
Për këtë shkak, Lekë Dukagjini shprehet se “ nuk do të jet më nën Skënderbeun ”. Ndërmjetësimi i papa Piut II, me ndihmën e Pal Engjëllit, peshkopit të Durrësit në vitin 1463, bëri që Leka të shkëputet përfundimisht nga osmanët dhe të pajtohet me Skënderbeun, duke i shërbyer deri në shtratin e vdekjes. Sikur Lekë Dukagjini, po ashtu edhe princërit tjerë e dinin se pa Skënderbeun në krye s’mund ti ndalnin hovin ushtrisë osmane e cila udhëhiqej nga sultan Mehmeti i II. Kështu, për ta siguruar kufirin veri-lindorë dhe me kërkesën e mbretit boshnjak Tomashit, Skënderbeu kreu një fushatë të suksesshme në Sjenicë më 1464. Këtë e vërteton edhe kronisti osman Ashik pasha Zadeja në “ Historinë Osmane ”, ku thot se në vitet 1462-63 “ Mehmeti, i cili pushtoi Bosnjën, në atë kohë vuri si qëllim Hercegovinën dhe Shkodrën e shqiptarëve, ai nguli këmbë edhe për të tjera ”.
Kasem Biçoku, i cili bazohet tek medievisti Francisk Pall nga burimet mesjetare të Arkivit të Napolit, konkludon se Skënderbeu në fillim të muajit shtator të vitit 1464 u nis me ushtrinë e tij nëpër Prizren-Pejë në drejtim të Sjenicës, me ç’rast ndeshet me ushtrinë osmane në Sjenicë, të cilën e shpartallon.
Në qoftë se kjo tezë mirret për bazë nga medievistët dhe nga studiuesit e tjerë, atëhere do të linte të kuptojmë se Rrafshi i Dukagjinit, duke përfshirë edhe një pjesë të Drenicës, ishte ende brenda kufijve të shtetit centralist të Skënderbeut, deri në kohën kur ai u sëmur më 1467, me ç’rast një ushtri osmane kalon nëpër Prizren e pastaj nëpër Mirditë, për ta pushtuar Shkodrën। Por ajo u shpartallua nga Lekë Dukagjini në lumin Kir, diku në afërsi të Shkodrës…
(Ky shkrim është botuar në gazetën e përditshme” Koha Ditore”, shtojca për kulturë, me datë 19.05.2007)

Thursday, September 6, 2007

Cartoon & Reality


Kosova “La Linea”

In late eighties Radio and Television of Prishtina broadcasted an animated movie called “La Linea” or most of people know it as “Balou Balou”. I loved watching “La Linea” when I was a kid, so I was thrilled watching all his journey where the character of an infinite drawn line interacted with the hand that holds the pen and continuosly plays with its fate.


By: Fazli Rrezja
Until recently I thought “La Linea” is pure animation and pure entertaining with no deeper meaning, but looking things from the political, economical and social views in Kosova, it seems that almost every citizen of Kosovo is walking in a real infinite and interacted thin line.The cartoon features a man known as "Mr. Linea" , walking on an infinite line ,although there’s dialogue, it’s essentially gibberish, and all the storytelling is done by the drawing.

The character, sharp little man with a truly expressive nose encounters obstacles and often turns screaming to the hand with the pen to draw him a solution. One recurring obstacle was an abrupt end of line. The character would seem very short-tempered and complain about it.Kosova people had a chance to look at this animation about twenty years ago. Now, our televisions are not broadcasting this animation.

I think it is no need for that, because almost every citizen feels the same as the character in “La Linea”. Walking in a thin and not stable Line we are always interacted and interfered by a powerful hand that plays a huge role in our daily lives.Social, political, economical problems are imposed in this line. So we deal with a lot of problems in daily basis. It’s not the same anymore. People in Kosovo don’t watch “La Linea” animation in TV, but feel it in their human life journey.

Monday, August 6, 2007

Cultural influence of the soap opera in Kosova

Cultural influence of the soap opera in Kosova

Fazli Rrezja

Television storylines of the soaps in Kosova became of a great interest in post war period and have substantial influence on viewers. Social relationships with soap characters affect Kosovo consumers’ behavior directly by means of effects on attitudes toward the characters' consumption.

Such unrealistic outcomes have implications for viewers’ expectations living in a transitional country, when they deal with friends, family members, lovers or if they are recovering from social or psychological problems themselves. Most of the viewers, simply consume what it’s served by our non-professional broadcasting media.

The Soap Opera Consumption
Daytime soap operas in three Kosova’s TV channels account for approximately 16 hours of network time daily and attract more than one million potential viewers; the majority of whom are women, not college-educated adults and teenagers not currently in the workforce.
Among regular audiences tend to be stay-at-homes, women and teenagers of limited income whose educational resources and opportunities to socialize are limited, and who display loyalty to soaps for long periods of time. Media broadcaster companies in Kosova have a huge influence in cultural aspects toward its audience. Today, Kosova broadcasting companies have thirteen soaps. Three of which are local soaps broadcasted in weekly basis and which tend to be more entertaining in a sense of mocking the reality of culture we are part of. Ten are international, most of them latino soaps which are broadcasted in daily basis. Four soaps are broadcasted in TV 21, four soaps in Koha Vision and five soaps in RTK television. Among these soap operas, latino soaps consist of high level of intrigues and low level of entertaining. Currently, soap operas have become obsession and provocation for broadcasting audience and especially toward huge number of teenagers.
Obsession, because of “emotional” plot that reveals events full of tears and nightmares and provocation as a result of images from costume design, interior, and paradise view. Soaps provide an emotional release and an escape from reality. But however soft the motivations may appear, they reveal a vulnerability system of conveying images of vulnerable people living in luxury to downscale viewers living in constrained circumstances, repeatedly expose unrealistic role models.

Today, the soap’s plot is like “breaking news”
While traveling everyday to work by bus or taxi in our capital city, I happened to hear often lot of “sad” stories from a passenger’s conversation. Stories which are similar to real events because of the way they are told and felt by the most people of our society, at school, at office, in streets or even at home with guests, soaps are the like breaking news!
In pre- war period the most interesting topic among women and teenagers was politics. Influence of mass communication reports about politics, war and other social problems related to this issue were the crucial factors which directly had effects on their attitude. But today, for most of women and teenagers of our society, soaps became their main consumption food on their table with the help of media.

The story of a taxi driver
What stroke me the most was the interesting story of a taxi driver! He was called urgently to drive a man and his daughter to their flat. Behind their pale faces was a probably a tragedy thought a taxi driver. They told him that they needed to arrive on time, so the taxi driver was driving faster than usually, feeling sorry of what might have happened to them. When they arrive in front of their flat the man and his daughter, looked at the watch and began to smile, revealing that they were happy to come on time because they will participate in “Graciela funeral”. The last night death of character in their favorite soap opera has stroked them deeply. The influence of the intrigues happening in everyday television series has made them live deeply into the events of the soap plot. The fact that the father his daughter participates in a “Visual Funeral” shows the involvement of this influence even toward the adults. Viewers’ responses show vulnerability expressed as a need for emotional satisfaction and their influence may be emotionally harmful.

The soap opera in the classrooms
The psychological effect of the soap operas also has a deep reflection on teenagers in Kosovo. During their summer and winter holidays they spent most of the time in front of the television watching soap operas because Kosovo broadcasting companies on their schedule have lot of these “entertainment programs”. A teacher of primary school has told a very interesting story regarding to the soaps influence in the students culture. After summer vocation he asked his students about their activities during this three month of vocation. Reading? Hobbies? Etc. But the response of all students in the classrooms, especially females was on the favor of soap operas, and all their stories were regarding to their favorite characters and intrigues. Some parts of characters have reflected into their cultural attitude.

Escapism & transition
Kosova people have become part of social and psychological intrigue during the last six years in post-war period. The media and traditional culture have faced rapid changes and are still on transition. Escapism in our society is similar but in other dimensions to the phenomenon of period after the First World War in some of European countries, where people’s attitude of a hard-drinking, fast-living was in trend . The generation was “lost” in the sense that its inherited values were no longer relevant in the postwar world. Hopelessness, materialistic, and emotionally barren attitude increased among the society. But, now days, Kosova people who are involved as a regular audience of soap operas tend to be those who desire to live in a fictive reality that is full of love, hate and intrigues, and this becomes hard at the same time while they are stuck between the West, East and traditional cultures. Kosova society (in particular women and teenagers), in its transition period is exposed toward negative influence of soaps, especially latino soaps, which are broadcasted by our national televisions which are also in transition.


-------------------------
This feature story is published also in;

-Kosovo daily newspaper- Express- on november 13, 2007
http://www.gazetaexpress.com/

-Kosovo daily newspaper-Bota sot- on february 2006

-News agency- Telegrafi- on august 7, 2007
http://www.telegrafi.com/?id=26&a=44

-Informative portal- Agimi- on October 24, 2007
http://www.agimi.com/modules.php?name=Forums&file=viewtopic&t=918&view=next&sid=d7b 48cd14ac12042f519a853b0ff0209

Tuesday, July 10, 2007

Londra që s’fle

 

Fazli Rrezja   Qershor, 2007


 Heathrow Airport, zbresin shpresat,                                                                                                    valixhe, përqafime, nisje e kthesa.

Reuters Plaza, shiu piklon,
njerëzit si valë rrugëve nxitojne.                                                                                                                   

Canary Wharf xham e çelik,                                                                                                                qielli reflekton qytetin magjik.

Big Ben-i kumbon, ora troket,
Piccadilly Circus ndez dritat                                                                                                            Borough Market, thërret                                                                                                                           

Trafalgar Square, mes luanëve gri,                                                                                                          historia kembekryq aty rri.


Victoria Station, zhurmë e nxitim,
trena që presin, udhë pa mbarim.

London Bridge, hapat ndalojnë,
valët e Thames-it fshehtësi tregojnë.

Hyde Park, mes gjelbërimit,
gjen pak qetësi nga lodhja e trajnimit

London Bridge të vë në pah,
me dyert e tij të hapura si krahë

Nën tokë buçet The Tube me vrull,
linja të kuqe, të verdha, purpurta dhe blu.

Aromë e Nizhni Novgorod, përzihet ne ajër,                                                                                                  Jubile line, magjia përshkon

kur njerzit:

udhëtojnë,

meditojnë,

lexojnë....

Kujdes hapin! Mind the Gap!


Tuesday, July 3, 2007

International news


Writing International news course in London

By Paul Iredale


A visit to the glittering studios of Al Jazeera was on offer during a two week Writing International News workshop for 10 young journalists run by the Foundation at Reuters London headquarters in June.


The group was given a tour of the state-of-the-art studios and heard news anchor Stephen Cole explain the editorial policies of the station.The 10 journalists, from Iraq, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Rwanda, Bulgaria, Russia, Moldova, Kosovo and Jamaica, also received a virtual tour of the Internet from former Reuters editor Peter Bale, now Executive Producer of Microsoft’s UK Online Services Group.

During the workshop, the group heard presentations and wrote exercises reinforcing ethics and international standards, sourcing and balance, election coverage, and interview techniques under the guidance of trainers Paul Iredale and Peter Gregson.

They also met with a number of Reuters journalists, including Lloyd Watson, who led them through an exercise on news judgements in covering a breaking television story and Quentin Webb, who introduced them to covering economic news. Tim Large and Mark Snelling of the Foundation’s Alertnet team showed them the journalistic tools now in place on the disaster relief website and talked about the challenges of covering aid stories.

http://www.reuterslink.org/news/WINLondon_may2007.htm

Thursday, June 14, 2007

40 Bunar Fest

40 BUNARËT FRESKOJNË PRIZRENIN




shkruan; Fazli Rrezja
40 Bunar Fest- gara e lëshimit me goma të traktorit nëpër lumin e rrëmbyeshëm ”lumëbardhi” ne Prizren, një sport atraktiv dhe unik ne Kosovë, ka filluar të bëhet festival tradicional.


.









Ky festival i veçante, është një alternative pozitive për të zgjuar qytetin nga pasiviteti kreativ i aktiviteteve sportive-argëtuese, duke filluar që nga nxitja e adrenalinës ne damarët e afër pesëdhjetë pjesëmarrësve që lundruan mbi goma traktori në ujerat e rrëmbyeshme përplot shkëmbinj e valë e deri tek kënaqësia që ky sport atraktiv i ofroj syve të qytetarëve që kishin rrethuar të dy brigjet e lumit të Prizrenit ditën e diele, dhjetë qershor


Ky festival e bëri ditën edhe më interesante gjatë shpërndarjes sëçmimeve tek fituesit dhe DJ party që mblodhi të rinj në parkun e vockël ”Kej” e deri tek një party më e trentë që u mbajt në orët e vona pas mesnatës diku pas dy tuneleve, në qiellin e hapur të grykës së lumëbardhit


Nëse dëshironi të kaloni një ditë pushimi plotë vapë, larg politikës, lajmeve e përditshmërisë së lodhur rutinore, atëherë ky festival freskues është vendi i duhur të jesh prezent.


Nuk do të mërziteni aspak sepse shoqëri ne kete argetim do të ju bëjnë edhe “Kalaja, Lidhja, Xhamitë e Kishat e vjetra, Banja turke ”Hamami” dhe ne fund një shëtitje e lehtë në kalldrëmet e sheshit “Shatërvan”


40 Bunar Fest- zhvillohet për herën te tretë me radhë në Prizren, ne qytetin ku jetojnë mbi 200 mijë banorë, dhe eshte sport i unikat i këtij lloji në Kosovë.

Tuesday, June 12, 2007

Kosovo attempts to knock at EU gates

KOSOVA THROUGH “ACQUIS COMMUNAUTAIRE” OBLIGATIONS TO STANDARDIZE THE EU LAWS AND STANDARDS ON THE COUNTRY (Journalists: Fazli Rrezja & Fisnik Musa) The head of French Office in Prishtina, Thierry Reinard, said that except Russia, we are to convince other Security Council member’s for new resolution approval for Kosova. Meanwhile, if Russia threatens with veto, he said that this could affect new problems. In an interview for news agency “Kosovanews”, the head of French Office says if Kosova’s Institutions take unilateral decisions, they could face on with legal problems, and this is obviously the reason why he urges for new resolution approval for Kosova, which would repeal the actual 1244 resolution. Nevertheless, he doesn’t mention France’s next step if the resolution wouldn’t be approved at the SC, since, as he says, “doesn’t know the opinion of France recent elected president. France has sponsored the draft –resolution for Kosova together with U.S.A., on the same time Russia has proposed too a resolution which suggests to continue with negotiation process. Do you expect whether there could be a compromise between these two proposals? Thierry Reinard: As far as I know, there is only one draft – resolution at the Security Council, presented last friday by U.S.A. and other Western countries. It is very interesting since Germany as Quint member has assisted on the creation of this document. According to the information that I received from New York, this is the only existing draft-resoution on the table of the Security Council. During the Contact Group meeting held time before, Russia had presented a so called list “the main elements that must be included in the resolution”. This is the only thing that Russia did, and they didn’t propose any official project yet concerning the draft presented by us. Russia has warned that it will veto if the resolution is based on the Ahtisaari plan, how can this situation be avoided? Thierry Reinard: Russian position is still unclear, perhaps we shall know more after two important meetings in Moscow. The first meeting is between the American Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice and the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, and the second with the German foreign minister, Steinmeier, which actually is in Russia in order to prepare the EU – Russia summit, scheduled for May, 18 in Samara (Russia). Kosova’s issue will be one of the main topics to be discussed during these two meetings, Putin – Rice and Putin – Steinmeier, so I don’t know yet what results are going to be reached at. Until now, Russia didn’t threat officially whether is going to use the right of veto or no. It was mentioned during declarations of Russian vice minister for Foreign Affairs, Titov and also by Russian ambassador at the Security Council, Churkin. In this context is said and mentioned the use of veto, nevertheless, at the moment we didn’t hear officially any use of veto. We have the text and we urge all Security Council members to be positioned and to analyze it point by point… and when there’s no deal, we put it in brackets. This is an exercise that is usually used at the SC, and we are to begin very soon to identify the articles proposed by Ahtisaari, when Russia admits to repeal the resolution 1244. At the moment I am not able to say what is going to happen. What we are calling the whole world and particularly the temporal SC members, like South Africa ,Indonesia, Congo, Qatar, Peru, Panama, is that these countries to support the resolution. These African and Latin American countries aren’t informed properly about the situation in Kosova. We have urged the same countries together with our U.S. and EU colleagues for support, and we have also showed them why we do support this draft-resolution and that why we thought Kosova’s status must be addressed very soon. Is France ready to recognize independence of Kosova, if it doesn’t pass in the SC? Thierry Reinard: At the moment we don’t want anything like that to happen. You know that it has been mentioned by different countries of EU that this will cause legal problems. We need to understand that we urgently need a new resolution mainly because the resolution 1244 has to be changed, since this resolution does not allow Kosova to declare its independence. There will be legal conflicts if you declare your independence. It will really present a problem for us, that’s why I cannot say what our new president thinks. We don’t have a certain opinion about this problem, because we are a part of EU, and if we declare our opinion, we could cause problem within the EU. Taking in consideration the will of majority of Kosova and also the reactions of some countries, particularly of Russia, how close to his independence is Kosova today? Thierry Reinard: It depends by your leadership to decide. It will not depend whether Kosova wants to be independent or not. We know the will of people of Kosova and of its leadership. We think that the time has come for Kosova status to be resolved. We think that the main reason why we support a very soon solution in accordance with Ahtisaari plan, is that we want to close this darken chapter of ex Yugoslavia separation, and we want to go ahead through the stabilization of Western Balkans, because we want to work in accordance with European agenda, not only for Kosova, but also for Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Albania. The problem of Kosova is being blocking yet the process inside Western Balkans, that’s why it must be resolved. If Russia uses veto in the SC, what is going to happen with the plan of chief negotiator, Martti Ahtisaari? Thierry Reinard: This is a huge problem, as I mentioned before, Russia didn’t threat with the use of veto also after the SC delegation visit in Kosova. Ambassadors have evaluated it as a very useful mission, particularly, those who knew about the situation here. They have also see that the stand of the parties involved in the conflict, have been sufficiently contradictories and there wasn’t any chance to proximate their stands. The second result of this mission is that they have also evaluated that status – quo, which is present since 1999, is not a proper solution. This is obviously what Ahtisaari emphasizes in his report. The members of Quint agree too with this position of ambassadors. We hope that to persuade, apart of Russia, other members too, since we know that it is too difficult to persuade Russia. We think that at the moment there are 14 votes in favor of the resolution at the SC, meanwhile, regarding to Russia, personally I do think that we are going to have problems if it vetoes. CS usually is committed to reach a consensus. Different European leaders are optimistic for reaching of a compromise with Russia, maybe not during this month, but at least until June, because we want this issue to be resolved before summer holidays, since, during four months of Kosova’s transition period, a much intensified agenda new process will start. How Kosova’s Institutions are prepared for the transition phase? Thierry Reinard: I think that they must know that they have a lot of work to do. It is important what we do think about the majority leaders which are in power now, are saving the unity of the working groups, comprised by local and international authorities. We do know that there are still problems for raising the capacities, since there are capacity lacks at Kosova’s administration. AER, BE, USAID and all other international donators, are being assisting on the development of these governmental capacities here. It is going to be a much intensified four months agenda, where, the legal aspects of Ahtisaari plan must be clearly implemented, especially during summer months, but we do believe that they are to do it since they are very committed for. Belgrade insists to continue with a new negotiation phase. By your point of view, is there any place for new talks between Prishtina and Belgrade, taking in consideration their very contradictory stands? Thierry Reinard: We don’t think that there are to be developed new negotiations, since the result of Ahtisaari plan came as a result of a long and difficult negotiation process. Serbia’s stand was Kosova to have autonomy and this is not a know position for the opinion.. Does International Community have any plan “B”, and what will happen if the situation in Kosova get worse? Thierry Reinard: No, because we (KFOR and UNMIK) have made a very large plan and they are also prepared for any possible violence, even though there are no indications for such a thing by none of parties. The new EU mission is going to bring new members in the area of policy, justice and customs. We are prepared for everything that could happen here. The future EU presence in Kosova! Does it mean that kosovar institutions aren’t able yet to take “the wheel on their hands to lead the state? Tierry Reinard: In his plan, Ahtisaari mentions that kosovans are going to have the responsibility for leading Kosova in the new system. The International Civilian Office in Kosova will be in charge for supervising the implementation of the status agreement. Also, its role is to supervise whether the status agreement is being respected or not, and also they are going to be here to acquire the minority rights, particularly of the serbs. Other role that EU is going to have in Kosova is the supervision of judicial system too, and also the fight against organized crime. The EU role is totally different by resolution 1244. And finally, how far is Kosova for being integrated at the EU? Thierry Reinard: It depends from you, from standards and also from actuating plan of European Partnership. The best thing is that we have combined old UNMIK standards with those of the European integration, dated from 2003-2004, and the whole standards, 109 codes out of them to be realized, and the people didn’t knew exactly the meaning of the same ones. So, all standards are combined at the EU agenda. Kosova and its leadership with EU have decided to implement so called Actuating Plan of European Partnership, which is too real for Kosova to present the legislation. This is called as “Acquis Communautaire” and in the case of Kosova it means “obligations to standardize the laws and EU standards on the country. During the next years, we are going to substitute the Conducting Mechanism of Stabilization – Association with European Partnership Actuating Plan, which will lead all Kosova’s legislation to the European existing standards. You are lucky in Kosova, because of UNMIK presence here since 1999. This was a part of existent “Acquis Communautaire”, because the UNMIK rules have been totally based on EU system. You are in a very favorable position, in comparison with other countries, when they did start to be integrated at the EU. This is going to take time, and it all depends how long will take the negotiations for Stabilization – Association. You are beyond entering the EU house, you are not so far from, and you are also trying to knock on EU doors. (Journalists: Fazli Rrezja & Fisnik Musa) ------------------------------------------------------- Përpjekjet e Kosovës për të trokitur në dyert e BE-së Kosova nëpër “Acquis Communautaire” - obligimet për të standardizuar ligjet e vendit me standardet e BE Shefi i Zyrës Franceze në Prishtinë, Thierry Reinard, thotë se përveç Rusisë, ne do t’i bindim anëtarët e tjerë të Këshillit të Sigurimit për miratimin e rezolutës së re të Kosovës, ndërkaq thotë se nëse Rusia kërcënon me veto, kjo do të rezultojë me probleme të reja. Në një intervistë për agjencinë “Kosovanews”, numri një i Zyrës franceze thotë se nëse Institucionet e Kosovës marrin vendime të njëanshme, atëherë do të hasin në probleme ligjore dhe për këtë arsye kërkon që me urgjencë të miratohet rezoluta e re për Kosovën, e cila shfuqizon 1244-shin. Por, ai nuk thotë se cili do të jetë hapi i Francës nëse rezoluta nuk kalon në KS, sepse sqaron se nuk e di ende mendimin e kryetarit të sapozgjedhur të Francës>>>> Franca e ka sponsorizuar draft-rezolutën për Kosovën së bashku me SHBA-të, ndërkohë që edhe Rusia e ka propozuar një rezolutë që kërkon vazhdimin e procesit negociator, a pritni që mes këtyre dy propozimeve të ketë kompromis? Thierry Reinard: Sa e di unë për momentin, në tavolinën e Këshillit të Sigurimit është vetëm një draft-rezolutë, kjo është parashtruar të premten e kaluar nga SHBA-të dhe vendet perëndimore në Këshillin e Sigurimit. Është interesant se Gjermania si anëtare e Quint-it ka ndihmuar në përpilimin e këtij dokumenti. Sipas informatave të mia nga Nju Jorku, kjo është e vetmja draft-rezolutë ekzistuese në tavolinën e Këshillin e Sigurimit. Rusia kohë më parë në takimin e Grupit të Kontaktit ka parashtruar një listë siç e kanë quajtur ata, “elementet kryesore që duhet të përfshihen në rezolutë”. Kjo është gjëja e vetme që Rusia ka bërë dhe ata ende nuk kanë propozuar ndonjë projekt zyrtar për draftin që e kemi parashtruar ne. Rusia ka paralajmëruar përdorim të vetos nëse rezoluta hartohet sipas planit të Ahtisarit, si mendoni se mund të dilet nga kjo situatë? Thierry Reinard: Ende nuk është i qartë pozicioni i Rusisë, mbase do të dimë më shumë pas dy takimeve të rëndësishme në Moskë. E para e sekretares së Shtetit amerikan, Condolezzaa Rice, me presidentin rus, Vladimir Putin dhe e dyta ministrit të Jashtëm të Gjermanisë, Shtanmajer me presidentin Putin, i cili po qëndron në Rusi për përgatitjet e samitit BE – Rusi, që do të mbahet me 18 maj në Samara të Rusisë. Kosova do të jetë një nga pikat e rëndësishme në këto dy takime e Putin – Rice dhe Putin – Shtanmajer dhe çka do të rezultojë nga këto takime unë ende nuk e di. Për momentin, Rusia ende nuk ka kërcënuar zyrtarisht se do ta përdorë veton. Është përmendur në kontekstet të ndryshme nga zv. ministri i Punëve të Jashtme të Rusisë, Titov dhe ambasadori i Rusisë në Këshill të Sigurimit, Çurkin dhe në këto kontekste thuhet se kërcënimi gjithnjë është afër e më afër, mirëpo për momentin nuk kemi ende kërcënim të vetos, pra nuk jemi duke punuar në këto baza. Ne kemi tekstin dhe kërkojmë që të gjithë anëtarët e KS-së që të pozicionohen dhe kur e kemi draft rezolutën do të shkojmë pikë për pikë...dhe kur nuk arrijmë marrëveshje ne i vendosim në kllapa. Ky është një ushtrim që zakonisht përdoret nga KS dhe do të fillojë shumë shpejt, për të identifikuar pikat në propozimin e Ahtisarit, ku Rusia nuk pajtohet me shfuqizimin e rezolutës 1244. Për momentin nuk mund të tregoj se çka do të ndodh. Ajo që ne po përpiqemi të bëjmë është kërkesa për mbështetje në tërë botën e posaçërisht nga shtetet që janë anëtare të KS, si Afrika Jugore, Indonezia, Kongo, Katar, Peruja, Panamaja që janë anëtarë të përkohshme. Këto vende të Afrikës dhe të Amerikës Latine nuk janë të njoftuar edhe aq me situatën në Kosovë. Ne kemi bërë kërkesë për mbështetje së bashku me kolegët tanë të SHBA-së dhe vendeve të tjera të BE-së për të treguar se pse e përkrahim këtë draft-rezolute dhe pse ne kemi menduar që statusi i Kosovës duhet të adresohet sa më shpejt. A do të jetë e gatshme Franca të njohë pavarësinë e Kosovës, nëse në Këshillin e Sigurimit nuk kalon? Thierry Reinard: Për momentin nuk dëshirojmë që një gjë e tillë të ndodhë. Siç e dini kjo është përmendur edhe nga vendet e ndryshme të BE-së se do të rezultojë me probleme ligjore. Ne duhet të kuptojmë se kemi nevojë urgjente për një rezolutë të re për arsyen kryesore se duhet të ndryshohet Rezoluta 1244, pasi që kjo rezolutë nuk e lejon Kosovën që të shpall pavarësinë. Do të ketë konflikt ligjore nëse e deklaroni pavarësinë. Ne me të vërtetë do të kemi problem dhe për këtë nuk mund të them ende se çka mendon kryetari i ri i vendit tim. Për këtë çështje ne nuk kemi një qëndrim të veçantë, sepse ne jemi pjese e BE-së, pasi që nëse ne deklarohemi atëherë mund të shkaktojmë probleme brenda BE-së. Duke pas parasysh vullnetin e popullit shumicë të Kosovës, por edhe reagimet e disa shteteve, sidomos Rusisë, sa pranë pavarësisë është sot Kosova? Thierry Reinard: Kjo varet nga lidershipi i juaj për të vendosur. Nuk do të varët nga se a dëshiron Kosova që të pavarësohet apo jo. Ne e dimë se cila është dëshira e popullit të Kosovës dhe lidershipit të saj. Ne mendojmë se koha ka ardhur për të zgjedhur statusin e Kosovës. Ne mendojmë se arsyeja kryesor pse ne e përkrahim një zgjidhje të shpejt, sipas propozimit të Ahtisarit, është se ne dëshirojmë të mbyllim këtë kapitull të errët të ndarjes se ish-Jugosllavisë dhe ne dëshirojmë që të ecim përpara në stabilizimin e Ballkanit perëndimor, sepse dëshirojmë të punojmë me gjithë agjendën evropiane dhe jo vetëm për Kosovën, por edhe për Serbinë, Bosnjën, Kroacinë, Maqedoninë dhe Shqipërinë. Problemi i Kosovës në mesin e Ballkanit Perëndimor është ende duke e bllokuar procesin dhe për këtë kjo çështje duhet të zgjidhet. Në rast se Rusia e përdorë veton në KS, çka do të ndodhë me planin e kryenegociatorit Martti Ahtisaari? Thierry Reinard: Ky është një problem i madh, siç e përmenda edhe me parë, Rusia nuk ka kërcënuar me përdorimin e vetos, nga ajo që kemi parë pas vizitës se delegacionit të KS në Kosovë. Ambasadorët kanë parë se ky mision ishte mjaft i dobishëm, sidomos ata të cilët nuk kanë pasur njohuri me situatën këtu. Ata kanë parë se qëndrimet e palëve në konflikt ishin mjaft të kundërta dhe nuk ka pasur shans për të ofruar qëndrimet e të dyja palëve. Rezultati i dytë i këtij misioni është se ata kanë vlerësuar se status quo-ja, e cila po vazhdon që nga viti 1999, nuk është zgjidhje. Kjo është po ashtu ajo që e Ahtisari e thekson në raportin e tij. Anëtarët e Quint-it po ashtu pajtohen me këtë qëndrim të ambasadorëve. Ne shpresojmë se do t’i bindim anëtarët e tjerë, përveç Rusisë, sepse ne e dimë se Rusinë është mjaft e vështirë që të bindet. Ne mendojmë se me situatën e tanishme në KS do t’i kemi 14 vota në favor të rezolutës, ndërsa sa i përket Rusisë mendimi i im personal është se do të kem probleme nëse ajo përdor veton. KS zakonisht punon në arritjen e bazës së konsensusit. Liderët të ndryshëm evropianë janë optimist në arritjen e një kompromisi me Rusinë, ndoshta jo gjatë muajit maj, por të paktën deri në muajin qershor, sepse ne dëshirojmë që të zgjidhet kjo çështje para pushimeve të verës, sepse gjatë 4 muajve të tranzicionit Kosova do fillojë të punojë me një agjendë të ngjeshur. Sa janë të përgatitura Institucionet e Kosovës për fazën e tranzicionit? Thierry Reinard: Mendoj se ata duhet të dinë se kanë ende shumë për të bërë. Gjëja e rëndësishme është se ne mendojmë që liderët e shumicës, që janë në pozitë, janë duke e mbajtur unitetin e grupeve punuese, që përbëhen nga vendorë dhe ndërkombëtarë. Ne e dimë se ka ende probleme në ndërtimin e kapaciteteve, sepse ka mungesë të kapaciteteve në administratën e Kosovës. AER, BE, USAID dhe të gjithë donatorët e tjerë ndërkombëtarë janë duke ndihmuar në zhvillimin e kapaciteteve qeverisëse këtu. Do të jetë një agjendë shumë e ngjeshur 4 mujore ku duhet të zbatohen qartë aspektet ligjore të pakos së Ahtisarit, posaçërisht gjatë muajve të verës, por ne mendojmë se ato do të jenë gati, pasi që ata po punojnë shumë në këtë aspekt . Beogradi zyrtar insiston vazhdimisht në një fazë të re bisedimesh, sipas jush, a ka vend për bisedime të reja mes Prishtinës dhe Beogradit, duke pasur parasysh qëndrimet diametralisht të kundërta? Thierry Reinard: Ne nuk mendojmë se do te këtë negociata, sepse rezultati i planit të Ahtisarit vjen pas një procesi të gjatë dhe të vështirë të negociatave. Qëndrimet e Serbisë ka qenë që Kosova të këtë vetëm autonomi dhe ky është një qëndrim i njohur për opinionin. A ka bashkësia ndërkombëtare plan B dhe çka nëse përkeqësohet situata në Kosovë? Thierry Reinard: Jo, sepse ne (KFOR dhe UNMIK) e kemi bërë një plan shumë të gjerë dhe janë të përgatitur për çfarëdo dhune edhe pse nuk ka indikacione për një gjë të tillë nga asnjëra palë. Po ashtu, misioni i ri i BE-së do të sjellë pjesëtarë të ri në fushën e policisë, gjyqësisë dhe në dogana. Ne jemi të përgatitur për çfarëdo që të ndodh këtu. Prezenca e ardhshme e BE-së në Kosovë, a do të thotë që institucionet kosovare ende nuk janë përgatitur të marrin “timonin e shtetit në duart e veta”? Thierry Reinard: Ahtisaari në planin e tij thekson se kosovaret do të kenë përgjegjësinë e udhëheqjes se Kosovës në sistemin e ri. Zyra Ndërkombëtare Civile në Kosovë do të jetë përgjegjëse për mbikëqyrjen e zbatimit të marrëveshjes së statusit. Po, ashtu roli i tij është që t’i mbikëqyrë se a janë duke e respektuar marrëveshjen për statusin dhe natyrisht ata do të jenë këtu për siguruar respektin e të drejtave të pakicave, sidomos pakicës serbe. Roli tjetër që do të ketë BE në Kosovë është edhe mbikëqyrja e sistemit të drejtësisë dhe të luftojë krimin e organizuar. Roli BE totalisht ndryshon nga rezoluta 1244. Dhe në fund, ku është Kosova sot në procesin e integrimit drejt BE-së? Thierry Reinard: Kjo varet nga ju, nga standardet dhe nga Planveprimi i Partneriteti Evropian. Gjëja e mirë këtu është se ne i kemi kombinuar standardet e vjetra të UNMIK-ut me ato për integrimin evropian, që datojnë nga vitet 2003-2004, dhe të gjitha standardet, prej tyre 109 kode për t’u realizuar dhe njerëzit nuk kanë ditur plotësisht se çfarë kuptimi kanë ato. Tash të gjitha standardet janë kombinuar në agjendën e BE-së. Kosova dhe lidershipi i saj me BE-në kanë vendosur atë që quhet Planveprimi i Partneritetit Evropian, i cili është shumë real për Kosovën, për të paraqitur legjislacionin, këtë ne e quajmë “Acquis Communautaire”, në rastin e Kosovës kjo nënkupton obligimet për të standardizuar ligjet e vendit me standardet e BE. Gjatë viteve të ardhshme ne do ta bëjmë zëvendësimin e Mekanizmit Përcjellës të Stabilizimi -Asociimit me Planveprimin e Partneritetit Evropian, që do të sjellë të gjithë legjislacionin e Kosovën deri te standardet ekzistuese evropiane. Ju jeni fatlum në Kosovë, për shkak të prezencës së UNMIK-ut në Kosovë që nga viti 1999. Kjo ka qenë pjesë e “Acquis Communautaire” ekzistuese, sepse rregulloret e UNMIK-ut kanë qenë gjerësisht të bazuara në sistemin e BE-së. Ju jeni në një pozitë më të favorshëm, duke krahasuar të gjitha vendet e tjera nga pika prej ku kanë filluar integrimin në BE, mirëpo kjo do të marrë pak kohë, e tëra varet se sa do të zgjasë negociatat e marrëveshjes së Stabilizim -Asocimit. Ju gjendeni para hyrjes së shtëpisë së BE-së, mirëpo nuk jeni larg saj dhe jeni duke u përpjekur të trokitni në dyert e BE-së. (Journalists: Fazli Rrezja & Fisnik Musa)

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